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Published on 14-04-2007 In National
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Social injustice
Written by
Cho Ramaswamy
Karnataka government's ignoring rulings of the courts' in the Cauvery tangle is unjust. The Kerala regime's brazen contempt for judgements in the Mullaperiyar issue is the worst example of chutzpah. But, the Tamil Nadu has attempted to do something worse against the Supreme Court by organising a general strike against its interim pronouncement because it is supposed to be "social justice."

The Apex Court had spoken its mind in the matter of 27 percent reservation for "Other Backward Castes" in higher education and ordered an interim stay on the law in this respect. Though the TN government opposed and decried the ruling as do most political parties in the length and breadth of the nation, this is the only state that dovetailed its allies' [and the entire opposition's] support for a state sponsored "bandh."

Senior counsel Vijayan has pointed out a hitherto unnoticed aspect of this issue.

"When the case came up for the first time, its plaintiffs – a certain youths' association was in the process of organising a strike.
The Supreme Court's interim orders, at that point in time, were in favour of the government which had opposed it. Forced to accept the call of the courts, the body called off its mass action. Now, the state government has acted in a manner so as to insult the voice of the judiciary. Shouldn't the present regime exhibit the same sense of responsibility shown earlier by a voluntary organisation," Vijayan demands to know.

The Supreme Court expressed itself explicitly while ordering an interim stay in the matter of reservation in education.

The court reiterated its earlier orders which had clearly stated that the reservations cannot exceed 50 percent…This upper limit [aimed to keep out] the creamy layer within the Backward Castes was an aspect of the [collective] wisdom expressed in the articles enshrined in The Constitution. If breached, this would defeat the very purpose of the assurance of "equal opportunities" which are the bedrock of all our laws, the court said. Ensuring that reservations do not go beyond the prescribed 50 percent limit, that all those who have already been benefited by the statute are kept beyond its purview and prevention of their indefinite continuance are the duty of the government. Backwardness cannot be a permanent feature and therefore ought not to become endless, the court reflected in its interim order.

These above sentiments expressed by the courts have been stressed in many articles published several times in Thuglak.

This time, the Supreme Court has pointed out that the census of 1931 cannot be the basis to determine OBCs. Further it said that such an old yardstick cannot be accepted as the justification for 27 percent reservation in [central] educational institutions.

Those who oppose these averments of the Apex Court naturally point to the fact that it did not question reservations in government jobs. But these sections have failed to comprehend a simple facet of the whole issue. Different articles in the Constitution have dealt with reservations in jobs and educational institutions separately and have differentiated between the two.






While tackling the matter of reservations in jobs, the Constitution clearly says they are applicable only "to those Backward Classes which do not have adequate representation."
 
Shorn of legalese, this means that the founding fathers of our Constitution had accepted the fact that certain sections of the population weren't represented in government posts.

But the statute doesn't accept this premise while dealing with the issue of reservations in educational institutions. The article that deals with this matter clearly says that the special arrangement is meant for the uplift of "socially and educationally backward sections" of the population that encompasses "oppressed and scheduled castes [and] tribes…"

Since this was based on the situation that prevailed in 1931 [when the last census was conducted] questions are bound to be raised about its present applicability.

If this distinction between jobs and education is understood, nobody would say that the two are on an equal plane.

Between the creation of our Constitution and the present day, different amendments were made to include several sections in the populace purely to increase political parties' vote banks. This resulted in those who depended on merit being totally outnumbered in blatant violation of the tenets of equality stated clearly in the Constitution.

Every time the courts opposed such moves, political parties assailed the judiciary as a matter of habit. The present order of the Supreme Court isn't a final denouement. Yet, several political outfits are condemning it as such. The Tamil Nadu government simply went a step further and organised a "bandh."

"On what basis can the ruling party in Tamil Nadu insist on our obeying the Supreme Court in the Cauvery and Mullaperiyar issues," is a poser bound to be raised by the ruling [coalitions] in Karnataka and Kerala respectively.

Naturally the two "K" states can demand the right to be on an equal footing with Tamil Nadu in ignoring the Supreme Court!

On several occasions, for different reasons, the powers that be in many states as well as at the centre have accorded short shrifts to judgements pronounced in courts. At times, they have rendered their orders meaningless by amending the laws.

It may happen on this occasion as well.

The words of the judiciary have tasted bitter to governments regardless of their being regional or national because the courts base their orders on the Constitution while ruling political arrangements treaded a different measure due to political conveniences.

The latest imbroglio is an attempt on the part of the political parties to decimate the bulwarks of democracy enshrined in our laws – equality and justice for all. If the political class succeeds in its quest, it would be meaningless to call ourselves a democratic state. The alibi for this – the cause of "social justice" – is its very antithesis.


(Translated from Thuglak by TSV Hari)
 
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Europe has united. Turkey too would be joining soon. Federal India is only on paper. Apex court could only issue orders. Legislatures would do and undo Laws. They would just declare ‘rights’ but fail in their own ‘duties’.

The recent example is: The Maintenance and Welfare of Parents and Senior Citizens Bill (MWP&SC Bill), 2007 relieves the state of its fundamental obligation and is riddled with loopholes.

A ‘good idea’, but an ‘equally bad’ Law!

The Fifth Commandment directs, “Honour your father and your mother” (Exodus 32:19). In the Mahabharata, Bhishma tells Yudhisthira, “The worship of mother, father and teacher is most important according to me…” (Shanti Parva CVIII).

“The state shall, within the limits of its economic capacity and development, make effective provision for securing the right to work, to education and to public assistance in cases of unemployment, old age, sickness and disablement, and in other cases of undeserved want.”
-The Constitution of India in the Directive Principles, Article 41

The MWP&SC Bill, 2007, which was introduced in Lok Sabha in March, aims “to provide for more effective provisions for the maintenance and welfare of parents and senior citizens guaranteed and recognised under the Constitution and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto.” While it is difficult to contest the objective of ensuring a comfortable life for senior citizens, a number of provisions in the Bill appear not easy to implement.

The recent Bill neatly sidesteps the directive in the Constitution (Article 41), which directs the state to provide public assistance in cases of old age. The Bill states that, “The state government ‘may’ establish and maintain such number of old age homes at accessible places, as it may deem necessary, in a phased manner, beginning with at least one in each district to accommodate in such homes a minimum of one hundred fifty senior citizens who are indigent”. Note the use of “may” and not “shall”.

* Shouldn’t it be the obligation on the state governments to establish these?
Was there any prohibition on them from providing old age homes?

* Also, why the Bill should specify details such as the minimum size of an old age home?

* Why it places the obligation of maintaining a senior citizen on his or her children, grandchildren or any legal heirs?

* Why the process and amount differs from the existing provision in the CCP (Section 125)?

That’s not all!
1. The Bill only makes the children of a senior citizen obliged to maintain a senior citizen to the extent that he “may lead a normal life”. Is it enough?

2. What is the case of a childless senior citizen? The obligation is on a relative who is in possession of the senior citizen’s property or who would inherit his property. The maximum monthly allowance is to be specified by state governments, subject to a limit of Rs 10,000. Why a limit?

Confusing definitions!
A new definition: A Senior citizen is “any person being a citizen of India, who has attained the age of sixty years or above and includes parent whether or not a senior citizen”.
Is every parent, including those below sixty years of age, to be considered a “senior citizen”?

Relative “means any legal heir of the childless senior citizen who is not a minor and is in possession of or would inherit his property after his death.”
How does one determine who would inherit the property?
Should a senior citizen reveal the contents of his will? No freedom to change it later?

And if he is allowed to change his will - a must, consider the case of the person who is initially named in the will, forced to provide a maintenance, and who finds on the death of the senior citizen that there is another will that disinherits him!

So what does a senior citizen do if he wants maintenance? He applies to the ‘Maintenance Tribunal’. The application may also be made by any other person or organisation authorised by him. However, the Bill clarifies that such an “organisation” means “any voluntary organisation registered under the Societies Registration Act, 1860, or any other law for the time being in force”.

Do we ignore the fact that the Societies Registration Act does not define “voluntary organisation”.

The Bill makes it clear that “no party to a proceeding before a tribunal or appellate tribunal shall be represented by a legal practitioner”. We can’t use the services of a lawyer for legal entitlements!

Regarding the maintenance tribunal, the Bill states that “the state government may… constitute for each sub-division one or more tribunals. The tribunal shall be presided over by an officer not below the rank of sub-divisional officer of a state”.

Again the use of “may”, leaving an option of not forming such tribunals.
Second, the job is entrusted to the SDO, who has a number of other responsibilities.

In SUM:
Any law should be implementable.
First the various loophole.
The big issue is whether parents would take their children to the tribunal, given various social pressures.

Would wehave a social security system, including financial products such as pension schemes and a revised one in place of the current unattractive Reverse Mortgage Loan facility now?

Who would enable the elderly to live a dignified life.

 
subrahmaniansh - Comments as on 07-05-2007







     

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